1. First, it’s been an open question how the press corps would treat President Barack Obama after January, having been so in the tank for him during the campaign season, as so many media ombudsmen have now gone on record to admit. My best guess was the media, notwithstanding Chris Matthews’ comments that it was his role to help the President succeed, would, in fact be more aggressive and independent once Obama became president, that their usual role of gadfly and investigation (rather than campaign mouthpiece) would come close to being restored. It may have started yesterday.
Chicago Tribune reporter John McCormick asked, or started to ask, the President Elect for his comments about Rahm Emanuel and his possible connections and conversations with Rod Blagojevich when Obama cut him off, saying, quote: "Let me just cut you off right there because I don’t want you to waste your question." Obama continued on to say he was not going to say anything more at this time but would release more information next week.
I don’t know why next week is particularly important except that there will be lot of distractions due to Christmas. And I don’t know why any comments know–once the criminal complaint has been made public–would affect the investigation of the Governor. That said, the questions surrounding Rahm Emanuel are beginning to stack up. Chicago-Sun Times’ Michael Sneed wrote the following in her column yesterday: I "hears rumbles President-elect Barack Obama’s chief of staff, Rahm Emanuel, is reportedly on 21 different taped conversations by the feds — dealing with his boss’ vacant Senate seat."
That’s all she reports. There could be more to it, there could be less to it. There could be nothing to it. And as for Jesse Jackson, Jr’s role, that is still unfolding, but the Washington Post this morning reports that he may very well be one of the people that initially tipped off federal investigators. More needs to be seen there too. But as Scott Rasmussen summarizes in his recent poll where 45% of voters believe it is "likely that Obama or one of his top campaign aides was involved in the unfolding Blagojevich scandal in Illinois," "The Chicago Tribune on Saturday reported that Obama’s White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel had conversations with Blagojevich’s staff about candidates who were acceptable to the president-elect to fill his vacant Senate seat."
This is why now, more than any other time, I think I am right about my roof-tops test: If you are implicated in something and you are innocent, you usually are begging for a megaphone to scream from the rooftops your innocence. I’ll say it again: this could become Whitewater or it could become nothing–but every day we hear less and less from those we have questions about makes it look worse and worse. One of the things many in the media and the old establishment did not like about the Clintons was they brought Arkansas-ethics to Washington. The bar has been set pretty low in Washington over the past several years for ethical behavior, a lot of that is because of the Clintons I believe. But the fix is not to bring Chicago-ethics to Washington. The breath of fresh air a lot of us liked about Obama needs to be, well, refreshed, just about now.
2. That question from John McCormick came during a press conference when Barack Obama was taking question having announced his new Education Secretary, Arne Duncan of the Chicago Public Schools. There have been a lot of stories about this call over the past 30 hours or so, more than almost any other cabinet choice save Secretaries of State, Defense, and Treasury–all over a Department that is not nearly as big as many of the others. Why? Because almost every American has a relationship and interest in education policy, because they have an interest in education, they are products of our education systems and have investments in it, with their children and families.
So, let’s speak about it now some more. First, on Arne Duncan, I blogged and spoke yesterday about him as Mr. Obama’s choice. As I said, he could have done a lot worse. We did not elect a Republican so we were not going to get a Lisa Graham Keegan or Checker Finn, we weren’t going to get someone who was going to engage in the radical reform necessary to truly shake up the sclerotic education system in America that needs some strong shaking. That said, there are an awful lot of dumb ideas in education reform, there are an awful lot of status-quo defenders, and there are an awful lot of education specialists who can and would like to turn back the clock on education reform. Arne Duncan does not fit into those categories or descriptions. He’s a moderate pick, something akin to Obama’s choice of Hillary Clinton to run State or Bob Gates to run Defense: not your standard left-wing department head. And he’s probably an even more moderate choice than Clinton frankly.
We’ve read a lot about how Mr. Duncan has bridged some fights between reformers and unions. That he has. But the WSJ editorial page nails it in their conclusion today: "We know from experience, though, that any genuine school reformer eventually arrives at crunch time with these unions, and either confronts them or gives up."
So let’s look at where we are: The news article on Duncan in today’s WSJ is also right: "The Obama administration’s selection of Chicago schools chief Arne Duncan as education secretary signals an intent to maintain a rigorous system of standardized tests in public schools, while experimenting with reforms disliked by unions, such as teacher merit pay."
Chicago has long-been a very troubled place for public education. When I was Secretary it was one of the worst cities in America when it came to public education. It’s improved some under Arne Duncan. As the WSJ also points out this morning: For the 2007-2008 school year, 65.2% of students met or exceeded state standards, compared with 38.3% in 2000-2001.
There’s still too large a gap between racial minorities and non-minority students in Chicago. And, as Major Garrett reported last night, Mr. Duncan has shut down some failing schools and reopened them only after reorganizing them. And yet it’s not anywhere near a turnaround or miracle city. The drop out rate in Chicago is still higher than the state average–almost half of all Chicago high school freshman dropout of high school before graduation. And Chicago is just under the median in performance compared to other urban city education systems. This, despite spending some $10,500 per student, about $1,000 more than the national average.
While Mr. Duncan is friendly to merit pay for teachers and public charter schools which often have a better record than standard public schools, there’s still a lot of work to do in Chicago–and the rest of the country. It is telling, for as close as Obama is to Duncan, he did not want his children in Chicago public schools. And he had the money to put them in private schools, a decision more parents should be able to make. In fact, it’s also telling that some 40% of Chicago public school teachers put their children in private schools.
3. As for the rest of the country, here’s where we are: We spend almost 600 billion dollars, nationally, in elementary and secondary education. Don’t tell me the problem is money. When I was Secretary of Education, my budget was about 17 billion dollars, today it’s about 60 billion dollars–and it’s gone up dramatically every year under President Bush. In fact the increases under President Bush, alone, are greater than my whole budget was. When he entered office the Department of Education was funded at about 40 billion dollars–it’s gone up 20 billion.
What do we get right now for this kind of investment? About one-third of our nation’s fourth graders are functionally illiterate, reading below a basic level on the Nation’s Report Card (also known as NAEP). At the eighth grade level about a quarter of our students read below basic, and at the twelfth grade level we’re approaching thirty percent.
About twenty percent of our fourth graders perform below basic in math, thirty percent of our eighth graders perform below basic in math, and nearly forty percent of our twelfth graders perform below basic in math. The longer one stays in school in America, the worse one does in mathematics.
And, as the recent TIMSS report shows, our science scores are even worse–especially compared to other countries. This isn’t even the worst of it though. Over fifty percent of our nation’s high school seniors score below basic in their knowledge of American history–it’s our worst subject. We are creating natural born aliens in our own country with out students and the education we deliver to them about it. I continually ask: how can we ask our nation’s 18-year-olds to serve, vote in, and fight (and maybe even die) for a country they simply do not know?
4. The federal fix: It’s become trendy to blame No Child Left Behind. NCLB is hardly the problem. First, keep in mind it’s little more than the name of the act that delivers federal funding to the states under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act that began under Lyndon Johnson. What it did do, and why I supported it, is it asked–for the first time–for accountability, if a state was going to take federal dollars it needed to show some results for those dollars. Keep in mind, far from a mandate, no state is compelled to operate under NCLB and can refuse the regulations…and the dollars. For all the whining, then, keep this in mind: no state has turned down NCLB dollars.
Can and should NCLB be reformed? Sure, sure. But keep in mind, the federal role in education is only about 10%–that is not where the real reform or change will come from. Where would I reform NCLB? First, nothing that will happen under an Obama administration, but the first thing I’d want–and the first thing I argued for when it was being crafted, and the first thing that was negotiated away to get it passed–is private school choice. Currently, if your child is in a failing school year after year, he or she has the option of going to another school, another public school. That’s not enough–there aren’t enough, they aren’t close enough, and not a lot of them are better in too many cases.Second, unless and until we have national standards we may never see the best results possible because we will never truly know how to compare apples to apples.
As Jeanne Allen put it in the Washington Post the other day, "Tests should be bench-marked against NAEP (a test known as "the nation’s report card"). If you say that in fourth grade you expect kids to know quadratic equations, you need to show in your state plan that that’s what you’re measuring in fourth grade." Or, as Checker has put it, identifying the basic problem and the horns of the dilemma:
NCLB trusts every state to set its own standards, but micromanages measurement systems and sets rigid sequences for school and district interventions. It would be far better to promulgate a single national standard and assessment system, and then to trust states, districts, and educators to devise their own means of getting there on their own timetables. But half of Congress will recoil in horror from the freedom and flexibility implied therein while the other half will be put off by uniform standards.
Jeanne summed it up pretty well when it comes to what NCLB could do, writing that "good principals and teachers are really smart people. We need to be firm on the outcome and allow the flexibility locally to figure out how to get there. We should measure how well schools do from year to year on top of how well we want the ideal fifth-grader to achieve. We need to reward progress in the interim while we work to hit the proficiency standards."
We know what works. That’s the tragedy of American education–we know what works and we don’t do enough of it, not nearly. Look at the KIPP schools. That’s the model. You want to know more about KIPP, read the end of Malcolm Gladwell’s new book, Outliers. Or listen to Jay Mathews in our third hour today, or read his book coming out next month. Hard work, more discipline, more hours, better teachers, better principles, better teaching, less nonsense. It’s available, and it’s doable–the theoretical has been proven by the actual with KIPP, and sometimes for even less than the cost of the rest of the per-pupil expenditure for public school students (as in NYC for example).
But here’s the most important job of the Education Secretary: the bully pulpit. When you control, and you never really control, only about ten percent of the public dollars in our education system you can turn things only a little with your actual constitutional lever. What you can do is use the microphone, the bully pulpit. Speak up about what’s right and what’s wrong. Speak up about what works and what fails, where the success is and where it is not. Highlight the good, and highlight the bad. Shame and reward. Make a public issue of how we treat, and educate, "the living messages we are sending to a time we will not see," as the sociologist Neil Postman once described our nation’s children. That’s what they are: living messages. Remember what Plato said, the two most important questions in a society: who gets to teach the children and what will they be taught.
5. Finally, on the international scene, an interesting bookmark after a year of preaching American decline, from Robert Kaplan in today’s Washington Post. After summarizing where our military is right now, he makes a moral point I’ve been making for a while: "Declinism of the sort being preached will go immediately out of fashion at the world’s next humanitarian catastrophe, when the very people enraged at the U.S. military because of Iraq will demand that it lead a coalition to save lives." He continues: "We might have intervened in Darfur had we not been bogged down in Iraq…The American military remains a force for good, a fact that will become self-evident in the crises to come."
He’s right about all of that–except for Darfur. I’m a big proponent of doing more there. But it wasn’t Iraq that kept us from Darfur. What, just what, would the left say about a military incursion into the Sudan when you look at what it’s said about the incursion into a country that sponsored terrorists, paid suicide bombers, shredded it’s own people, started two wars, shot missiles into Israel, and tried to assassinate a U.S. president?
I’ve spoken to a lot of liberals about what they would have us do in Darfur. When I raise the military option, they usually respond with something like, "The UN should act first." Or "That won’t go down well with the government of the Sudan." Or any number of other pacifist solutions which, as history has proven again and again, are not solutions but excuses for continued tyranny and genocide.